In the first half of the administration of Donald J. Trump, the Environmental Law Institute issued two reports describing the significant regulatory reform efforts underway throughout the executive branch. The purpose, consistent with the Institute’s nonpartisan identity, was to bring to the public an understanding of the measures and their relative significance. ELI was supported in this endeavor by the Walton Family Foundation and the Civil Rights and Social Justice section of the American Bar Association,
The reports were popular and well-received. Indeed, in late 2019, research staff at the Institute began hearing from the profession and other members of the ELI community a desire for an update on what they saw as highly important changes coming from many sources in the pollution and conservation arena through rulemakings, executive orders, enforcement decisions, and other means. The result was Environment 2021: What Comes Next?
This report takes stock of the dramatic actions of the Trump administration in the environmental space and is in this sense retrospective, but it is also forward-looking. It asks, What aspects of the administration’s work may prove durable? What aspects are likely to change?
Every October, ELI holds its principal policy event of the year. In 2020, the Policy Forum brought together a handful of the profession’s most respected analysts, including the lead author of the report, ELI Senior Attorney James McElfish, who moderated the discussion. Their goal was to both look backward over the Trump administration’s record and to look forward at policy trends that are going to come to a boil in the next four years.
James McElfish: One of our jumping off points for today’s discussion is ELI’s “Environment 2021” report, which is an attempt to give a bird’s-eye or contextual view for recent developments and what they might portend for the next year or two. In that spirit, we have gathered a small group of experts from diverse sectors to give their own views on recent developments in environmental protection and what the future may bring.
I want to begin with a pair of questions to each panelist, whom I’ll introduce in turn. One of the questions is backward-looking, reflecting our current situation. One of them is as forward-looking as we can be.
Question number one: What is the most significant development in environmental law or change in the administration of environment law in the last year or two that you think will have the greatest influence in the years ahead?
The second question is: What development is anticipated in environmental law next year or the following year that others might not have noticed or that might not be obvious to the practitioner?
I’ll ask Granta Nakayama to respond first. Granta is a partner at King & Spalding LLP. Many of us got to know him in his former role as assistant administrator dealing with enforcement at the Environmental Protection Agency.
Granta Nakayama: There have certainly been some important decisions out of the Supreme Court. Clean Water Act jurisdiction, for example. And there have been some policies out of EPA, such as deferring to states on enforcement.
But the issue I want to focus on is the increased interest by the general public in the environment. I sense it. I see it. There is a profound reawakening. We might call it the second green wave. Fifty years ago we had Earth Day, leading to a tremendous amount of legislation — the Clean Water Act, the Clean Air Act. I sense the same sort of interest from young people today. There is the Green New Deal. People are asking, What can we do on the legislative front? There is interest in new law addressing concerns like PFAS chemicals. This posture reflects a greater understanding by the public of environmental issues. It didn’t happen overnight and it didn’t happen by magic. There was a lot of hard work by people like Vickie Patton, our fellow panelist here, and many others. Folks now realize that the environment is going to have a tremendous impact on them. Eventually, new law will come out of that.
Let’s take as an example energy transition, the shift away from fossil fuels to renewable sources of power. One area that the general public will be impacted is in transportation, the movement to electric vehicles.
I’m old enough to remember the original Zero Emission Vehicle mandate in California in 1990. Of course the mandate confidently predicted that ZEVs would constitute a significant fraction of the vehicle market by the year 2000. Now we’re three decades in and one can debate why that didn’t happen. But it is finally happening now. That shift in public perception is happening even in the midst of low oil prices.
There is enough oil for many years, but the idea that is capturing people’s attention is that maybe we shouldn’t focus on supply of fossil fuel. That’s not really the issue. Just look at the United States. We have a tremendous amount of oil and gas through fracking. The issue is there may not be enough clean air to burn it in. That is a different way of looking at the sustainability of fossil fuels. It’s not how much is available but, rather, the effects of burning it. That’s where we could see a dramatic shift in the public’s perception of renewable fuels.
The nation has had a love affair with the automobile for a century now. It has shaped our infrastructure, our cities, suburbs, housing, commuting, the pattern of our daily lives. But we are on the cusp of some pretty dramatic changes in the vehicle market, with electric cars that are inexpensive and can drive a long way on a charge. They are going to be cost competitive with their gasoline counterparts. They can be recharged at home — you are no longer required to go to a gas station. For longer trips, many can recharge to 80 percent capacity in 15 minutes.
No, electric vehicles are not going to solve the traffic problem. But they’re going to break the public’s tie between oil and personal autonomy. That strong tie has shaped a lot of our environmental policy and law. It has shaped voter attitudes.
The shift from gasoline to electric power or other alternative fuels will have tremendous impact. In America, we consumed 390 million gallons of gasoline a day in 2019. Every day. But as electrical vehicles impact that market, even at 10 percent penetration, that would represent a dramatic shift in energy demand away from gasoline. It would have a dramatic impact on the market for electricity, which obviously helps those who supply renewable power.
We Americans have long loved the automobile and the personal autonomy associated with it. That has led to staunch support for whatever is required to maintain the status quo. If oil is no longer necessary to drive a vehicle, that will have a big impact on our nation’s foreign policy. It affects people at the local level too. Shifting to electric vehicles is going to necessitate tremendous upgrades to our grid and our electricity supply capability, especially the impact on renewable sources. In the future, being able to choose renewable power for things you want to do in your daily life will make it mainstream.
Let me turn to Jim’s second question, about an unforeseen development in the next few years. One can envision a renewal in nuclear power.
Let me explain why, and how that’s connected to the transportation issue and our vehicle fleet. If electricity and not gasoline is the issue, you might ask the average voter if they prefer power on demand, including from nuclear sources, or the possibility of electric supply issues with renewables that affect your home’s heating and cooling and how far you can drive. Americans like their comfort and their autonomy. Depending on the progress on renewable fuels, you might not have to make that kind of choice.
But since the rise of renewables may not come as quickly as we hope, I believe in the next few years you will see an increased interest in nuclear power. I heard on the BBC the other day a group of scientists who said people do not fully understand the risk to people’s health and the economy that could come with climate change. But the risk they felt was overestimated in people’s minds was nuclear power.
James McElfish: Granta has managed to open up a huge array of environmental law opportunities — international, national, state, local, zoning, transportation, even electric utilities.
Let me turn to Vickie Patton and ask her the same two questions. She is the general counsel of the Environmental Defense Fund, based in Colorado. Vickie also did her time in EPA’s Office of General Counsel.
Vickie Patton: As we take stock and look over the horizon, the greatest urgency is addressing environmental justice in a way that gets at the root of the injustices and produces solutions that are enduring. One path-breaking example comes from New Jersey. The state recently passed a law that advocates are referring to as the holy grail of environmental justice legislation. Leading legal experts call it a quantum leap in addressing environmental injustices.
One feature provides for greater transparency, and meaningful community-based engagement. Another directs the state environmental agency to deny industrial permits that will create harm when one considers the cumulative impact imposed disproportionately on disadvantaged communities.
As we think about where we go over the horizon, environmental justice is going to be a really crucial issue for all of us. We’re shifting from a moment where environmental justice was seen as one facet of environmental law to environmental justice being woven into the very fabric of environmental law at all levels.
The data that the Harvard School of Public Health gathered highlights the unjust and synergistic impacts on disadvantaged communities and people of color who are experiencing both the dire and disproportionate effects of the coronavirus and air pollution at the same time. That combination creates layers of harm and injustice.
Resources for the Future looked at satellite data and realized that there are millions of people who are not even in the system of our nation’s air quality protections because we are misclassifying areas that are unhealthy due to inadequate monitoring data.
Take also the work that my organization, Environmental Defense Fund, has done in partnership with Google. We have Google Street View cars and other sensors on streetlights and homes in places like Oakland and Houston, creating a massive amount of measurement on a hyperlocal basis. When you look from community to community, neighborhood to neighborhood, block to block, there are pockets with very serious levels of air pollution. They’re not being adequately addressed by our current policies. We environmental lawyers need to make a big step here and integrate environmental justice into every fabric of the law. It’s essential to the legitimacy of environmental law.
I agree with Granta’s comments about transportation electrification, and building public support. One manifestation of the sea change in public opinion and the convergence with the technological possibilities is that there is a new bar for private-sector leadership. That happened this year in a really major way and I think it will continue to happen as we look over the horizon.
Just a couple of examples. We started the year with BlackRock declaring that climate risk is investment risk, and that reverberated. Over the course of 2020, several big companies then made big commitments to climate action. What’s been reset is both the ambition of those commitments and their seriousness. Following through on those commitments, are they real and meaningful? It’s not enough for companies to commit to do their part to mitigate the climate pollution that they are responsible for. The bar has been reset and companies are now responsible for also leading in the policy debate that produces those kinds of commitments.
Along this vein, Microsoft announced this year not only is it going to go to net-zero for all of its operations — and continue to lead and invest in climate action well beyond its own footprint — but it’s going to address all of the climate pollution it has been responsible for since its founding in 1975. That is resetting the bar.
Investors are demanding climate action. Climate action is also being driven by employees who expect their companies to be leaders on social issues. And the overwhelming public sentiment is for climate action. So consumers too are demanding companies be climate leaders. We’re seeing a convergence — the support for action is increasing at the same time as technology opportunities become apparent.
I agree with Granta about transportation electrification. We need to make this shift to save lives. It is one of the biggest sources of harmful air pollution in our country, causing over 20,000 deaths every year. And we need to make this shift to create jobs. There’s an enormous opportunity for a manufacturing renaissance. Ford Motor Company announced that in the Detroit area it is launching a $700 million plant to electrify the F-150 pickup truck, creating hundreds of jobs. Meanwhile, Tesla too is building a new electric vehicle plant.
This is where the world is shifting. We want to be part of the competitive race to advance transportation and to create the jobs that we urgently need as we rebuild in a way that is equitable, sustainable, and inclusive. It’s an opportunity and one that, if we all work together, can happen in a way that creates both economic prosperity and greater justice.
James McElfish: I have even more questions for you, Vickie, on the many things that you said that overlap or dovetail with things that Granta said. But before I do that, let’s hear from Seema Kakade.
Seema is at the University of Maryland’s Carey School of Law, where she both teaches environmental law and leads the clinical practice work. She was an enforcement attorney with EPA and served in the Office of General Counsel with the Department of Energy. We also know her as a coworker at ELI, where she led our acclaimed summer program.
Seema Kakade: In listening to both Granta and Vickie, my perspective too dovetails with theirs. There are trends toward justice and there are real strides in technology. I want to raise some different issues on both of those topics — issues I’ve seen develop in the last couple of years.
On environmental justice, I couldn’t agree more with Vickie. There seems to be a growing recognition by the public. There are other issues as well that I want to point out.
Not only is there a disproportionate burden, there is inadequate access to the really good things in the environment. When folks describe how they got interested in environmental law, a lot talk about their childhood experiences in natural spaces. Today there is a push for that kind of interaction in communities that at present do not have those opportunities.
There is also growing recognition of diversity and inclusion within the field of environmental law itself. I have seen tremendous desire among organizations, among corporations, among government agencies to look at their own operations. Who are they including? Are they diverse? Are they diverse on multiple levels? Those questions are being raised for perhaps the first time in the last couple of years. We have to think about diversity and inclusion in the field as a whole, as a driver for the subsequent changes that may continue in the environmental justice realm.
Looking at technology, there are a lot of recent changes. I couldn’t agree more about the opportunities presented by electric vehicles, smart grids, and renewable power. Add to that advances in pollution control over the last ten or so years.
But we also need to recognize the change in information technology. Citizen science is a great example of this. There is an incredible growth in the technological tools that are available to the public, for sampling as a for instance. We even see citizens get out there with drones and do some pretty amazing things in citizen science.
I get called by community groups wanting to know what is coming out of a local smokestack, wanting to know what’s coming out of the discharge pipe from that factory down the street, wanting to know what is in the water that they’ve seen downstream from a plant. The growth in the recent past of citizen science is a huge source of information technology.
We have seen some developments in information technology as a result of the COVID virus. We are able to get on Zoom calls to coordinate our work and GoTo webinars to discuss it with practitioners and the public. In the last couple of years being online has dramatically improved people’s access to information. We know transparency is a problem for communities and for people. And we are realizing that agencies need to do a better job of informing professionals and the public.
For your number two question, looking forward at what might happen, I see the continued push of developments at the state and local level. I’ve seen growth in that dovetail with environmental justice. Localities are pushing on a number of issues. And there is a lot going on in the state legislative space.
I’ll give a few examples. We tend to think a lot about the executive branch agencies and maybe judicial branches, but I do think there’s a lot happening legislatively in the states — Vickie pointed to New Jersey and its environmental justice law as an excellent example. I also see changes in state constitutions, creating environmental rights.
A great example of state action concerns pollution from coal ash produced by power plants. Coal ash dramatically impacts communities. We’ve seen significant strides at the state level in Virginia and North Carolina with new legislation addressing this pollutant.
There is going to be a continued push for that information on state permitting. Due to upgrades in information technology, states are moving online for access to information on permitting. We have been pushing for states to have environmental justice mapping tools. We have tools like EJSCREEN at the federal level, and states can follow the example of California, with its CalEnviroScreen.
We can also look in the legislative space at what cities are doing, with their administrative processes like zoning. It’s a tremendous area where there’s a lot happening at the local level that impacts communities.
James McElfish: I want to follow up on this round to make sure we are able to flag some of the legal issues which, Seema, I think you began to do by referring to things like CalEnviroScreen or the kinds of mapping tools that are available or that Vickie referred to with the recent New Jersey environmental justice law. All of you identified societal trends and business trends and private investment. How can we make these good things happen? What can we do to push these forward? I wonder if each of you could highlight one or two ways in which environmental law can either help or get out of the way.
Granta Nakayama: It has been pressure from the public that has driven a lot of these advancements and changes, and the associated regulations and laws. There didn’t use to be a groundswell of consumers pushing for electric cars, but suddenly drivers are demanding them. It took a lot of work by a lot of groups and a lot of people in government who had basic legal mandates to meet. That triggered development of designs before there was consumer demand. And then once you have public support, you do raise a very good question concerning how you foster that.
I’ll be quite frank. This is coming from a former person at the agency. There are many ways in which environmental law actually slows down some of this progress. One is bureaucratic inertia. It takes years to promulgate some rules. Then, by the time you get some experience with them, you realize they probably weren’t crafted in the best possible way. Take the paint waste rule. It was 20 years from the initial Notice of Proposed Rule Making to when the final rule got issued. The world works at a much faster pace.
Another aspect is many times we get set in our ways. If you’re a bureaucrat, you’re literally the person enforcing a rule. You’re comfortable doing things a certain way, but that may not be the most efficient. Take for example if a business self-reports under EPA’s audit policy, they have an incredibly detailed website you go to. In a way that’s an improvement, but it’s set up in a way that’s not very user friendly. And it falls short of covering all situations.
There are ways to streamline the process. That’s really a nonpartisan issue. Whatever we’re going to do, let’s do it efficiently. For example, in California there’s a rule on renewable fuels that says you can’t store them for more than three quarters. Otherwise, you’ll lose all the credits out there in the low-carbon fuel standard. Well, that doesn’t work for a lot of people who generate renewable fuels through dairy. They work on an annual basis because for farmers, the seasons go in an annual cycle. If you went to a yearly cycle, that would save a lot of time and money and also save heating the biodigesters in cold weather, producing carbon emissions.
There may be a will, but agencies don’t have the money and the personnel to go back and fix a lot of these glitches. But if there was an effort to go after these problem areas, you would get a lot of support across the board for making rules more efficient, easier to implement, and, frankly, easier for the agency to enforce.
Vickie Patton: There’s an impression that the Trump administration’s actions have been focused solely on tearing down President Obama’s leading efforts to protect human health and the environment. But the actions go far beyond that. For some reason, through our national policy we are creating impediments to urgently needed investments in clean energy and hurdles for state and local innovations that are necessary to protect human health and the environment. Just a couple of examples of where we need really poorly designed policy and law to get out of the way.
In December 2019, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission adopted what’s called the Minimum Offer Price Rule. It is designed to increase the cost of renewables in the Mid-Atlantic energy market. It’s designed to harm state innovation, private-sector innovation, and clean energy policy and investments — and to promote fossil fuels. That’s just distorting a market. It means more pollution for millions of people and higher costs.
The Trump administration has pursued a sweeping attack on state and local innovation. One example is a really far-reaching attack on states’ long-standing authority to adopt clean car standards. That is in federal court now. So is an affirmative multi-pronged constitutional challenge against California’s voluntary collaboration with Quebec in reducing climate pollution. California lost that case, which is on appeal.
Trump’s Justice Department has made a claim that would give to the executive branch unlimited power to declare unconstitutional any state or local action that is deemed to be interfering with the foreign policy interest of the country, even at the most nominal level.
One of the big steps we can take was underscored by a landmark report by the Commodity Futures Trading Commission about the risk climate change presents to our financial system, followed by an op-ed in the New York Times by a Trump-appointed official at the Securities and Exchange Commission making similar points. Investors are calling forth to ensure that climate risks are disclosed under securities law.
There are both very serious risks publicly traded companies face with respect to climate change — and opportunities as well. All of the technologies, all of the tools that Seema described in such a compelling way, enable us to have greater insight into what those risks and opportunities are. Those need to be disclosed by publicly traded companies under federal securities law in a way that is rigorous, mandatory, comparable, and measures up to the challenge.
Seema Kakade:; When you ask should environmental law get out of the way, it depends on the law. There are certainly laws and regulations that actually do help quite a bit. I don’t want to be down on environmental law. It has an ability to push states and local governments to do more. Environmental law also has the capacity to push corporations to do more.
There are times when it isn’t environmental law that is the driver. We need to discuss whether it was the Clean Power Plan as driver for the push away from coal, or whether it has been market forces.
James McElfish: Thank you for the vote of confidence in environmental law, to which some of us have devoted well over 40 years of our professional lives.
Having started my career at the Interior Department, there is an array of laws and mandates there that operate in interesting and sometimes conflicting ways. Is there anything in the non-EPA law world that we should be paying attention to? Vickie raised the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission’s MOPR decision, and both of our other panelists emphasized other issues. But at least in the interest of giving time to the other bodies and other agencies, be it the Fish and Wildlife Service or the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, is there anything else we environmental lawyers ought to keep track of in the near future?
Granta Nakayama: We did not coordinate our answers for this discussion. There are three different perspectives, but we’re all saying the same thing.
I do want to reemphasize that environmental law is important. This is an incredibly fulfilling field. I’ve been blessed to practice in it by blind luck. My first case was an environmental case. There are all these issues with the water you drink, the air you breathe, the ground you stand on. The world is your environment and there are problems with that environment.
Many of the laws are written generally, and lawyers have a lot of room to think creatively. Folks at NGOs think very creatively. I’m always impressed with your filings about how to address problems using the tools we have. And they bring that environmental law mindset to the proceedings of different agencies.
Whatever perspective on an issue, you can bring in your creativity. It’s a relatively new area of law. New issues come up all the time, for instance problems with plastics.
James McElfish: Let me ask Seema and Vickie about something in the non-EPA universe we ought to pay attention to.
Seema Kakade: In my class, we talk about combustion sources, and all the different regulatory agencies that impact the sources. If you look at coal plants, from transmission to market to disposal of waste, there are so many different federal agencies that might regulate. In a lot of other countries, the law is all-encompassing on one particular source category. Here we have not only multimedia within EPA on air, water, waste, and that sort of thing, but we also have so many different federal agencies involved in regulatory processes.
I tell my students to pick any federal agency, you will find environmental law work. We have students go to Housing and Urban Development to do indoor air quality and lead paint issues. We have students go to the Department of Agriculture and be thinking about food justice.
My clinic does a lot of client counseling for communities. They don’t look at environmental issues as being EPA-led. They are looking at a whole variety of issues that do dovetail in housing, and transportation, and infrastructure, and affordability. Like electricity rates, which goes back to the way we run our wholesale markets. The process of thinking more broadly is the direction to go both for Granta’s point on sustainability but also for really addressing some of these overarching topics on environmental justice or climate change. It really does span multiple federal regulatory agencies.
To answer your question on things that people should be watching for, quite honestly it’s hard to at this point really not mention the National Environmental Policy Act, because there is so much happening. Beyond watching the Council on Environmental Quality’s new regulations, there are also the individual NEPA regulations at all of the federal regulatory agencies. Because a lot of my students are surprised to realize that the Department of Transportation has a separate set of NEPA regulations and categorical exclusions.
The other area that is important to watch is what’s happening with respect to FERC’s orders and approval of tariffs. There could be more change in the future with respect to FERC and how the commission operates.
Vickie Patton: I agree with the way that Granta and Seema have described this. The word that Granta used was “imaginative,” and that captures it. We need to be imaginative in addressing the urgent challenges of climate change and justice. That means there are profound opportunities and risks. For lawyers, there is an opportunity to help companies innovate and transition to clean energy. That means being a great corporate lawyer, being on the cutting edge of transactions and working in close partnership, and advising and helping those companies navigate this in a way that is workable.
For tort lawyers, there will be increasing lawsuits in terms of duty of care due to the pollution that companies are responsible for and also due to the reasonably foreseeable need to adapt. So let’s think about duty of care in a world where climate change and justice are front and center.
We need to be imaginative in thinking about securities law and how we make sure we are disclosing the risks and opportunities associated with climate change. Doing imaginative work like Seema’s law clinic, where she is working on the front lines to achieve justice for all. So many ways for us as environmental lawyers to bring a wide variety of imaginative thinking to bear.
James McElfish: Let’s get to audience questions. Our first questioner asks if any of you foresee the possibility for carbon legislation moving forward.
Vickie Patton: There is a real opportunity for climate legislation. The factors include public support and the fundamental shifts in the economics in a world where clean solutions are out-competing the status quo. The opportunity for our country to create jobs and become a global leader is imperative in terms of competitiveness. As we see the catastrophic climate harms impacting communities all across the country, public support for action will only intensify.
James McElfish: There is a question about hydrogen as a fuel. Are we likely to see legislation?
Granta Nakayama: A lot of the push for hydrogen fuels has come from the transportation sector. Hydrogen is a very difficult fuel. It’s the smallest atom, so it is very hard to contain. But hydrogen is ubiquitous. It combines with oxygen to produce water, so it’s a very clean fuel once you have it. There are industrial ways to generate hydrogen and ways that are environmentally friendly, but there is the infrastructure problem. There are going to be opportunities, especially for fleet vehicles.
But as we move to alternative fuels in general or battery-powered vehicles, you’re going to see a greater mix of fuels. Hydrogen will be in there some way. It’s just too common and there are opportunities to generate it from other industrial processes.
James McElfish: We have a question about the role of renewable energy portfolio standards. In your views, have they really done a lot of good? What is their role?
Vickie Patton: They’ve had a huge impact. They have created the pull for advanced clean energy solutions. We’re now seeing a world where major power companies — industrial utilities, municipal power companies, rural electric cooperatives — are pivoting from high-polluting forms of electricity to renewables, utility-scale wind/solar storage, and doing it in a way in some regions of the country where they save their customers money.
Granta Nakayama: I agree. In rural Virginia there are huge solar installations. These were locations that typically were at the end of the distribution line so they had to pay pretty high prices in the past. The regulatory pull, as Vickie says, started the ball rolling and then created the market. Then good things followed.
Vickie Patton: People have worked together in a number of communities to introduce renewables in a way that provides a just transition. In my home state of Colorado, we’ve made a number of transitions from coal-based power to utility-scale renewables in a way that’s both creative and saved jobs.
So we have wind turbines that are manufactured in places here like Windsor, Colorado. In Pueblo, we have the benefit of this cleaner energy out-competing more expensive fossil fuel energy. Our major power provider negotiated a long-term contract with a steel manufacturer in Pueblo. It kept that manufacturer in the community. That’s a thousand jobs, saved by shifting to clean energy.
We have farms that are being kept in their families because farmers are hosting wind turbines and receiving lease payments as a result of our transition to clean energy. All of that has been catalyzed by renewable portfolio standards and then people working together to ensure that these transitions are effectuated in a way that creates jobs and ensures shared economic prosperity.
Seema Kakade: I agree largely with Granta and Vickie on this point, but it is sometimes tough to say how much of the driving impacts that we’re seeing are a result of renewable portfolio standards. That’s a great area for additional research.
James McElfish: There’s a question, which we have touched on, dealing with the appetite among states to do additional legislation in the climate area.
Vickie Patton: There’s an enormous amount of activity — innovation, imagination — in the states that will be of increasing importance. It’s also really important that we continue as a country to support the innovation and leadership of state and local governments.
In Pennsylvania, there is an action to join the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative. That is a reflection of the economic opportunities that come with climate action. In Colorado, there is sweeping climate legislation led by prominent African American members of the General Assembly and Speaker of the House K. C. Becker. That included within it both a commitment to science-based climate action in statute and to environmental justice, and protecting disproportionately impacted communities. Having both of those crucial considerations woven into the fabric of Colorado law is a huge step forward.
Take also Governor Gavin Newsom’s recent executive order in California providing for transportation electrification. It also provides for accelerated electrification to achieve zero pollution from equipment and engines in port areas. There is an enormous amount of activity at the level of state and local governments in all parts of the country because of the economic opportunity and the imperative for climate action.
James McElfish: We’ve reached the end of our time together. There is so much happening in the private sector and among the states in the intersection of climate justice and the transition of our energy economy. Following developments at FERC, which was in many respects and for many years a backwater, it is really important because of its role in seeing how these transitions will or will not occur and at what pace.
The area of Environmental Law 2021, whatever the outcome of this year’s political contest, is going to be fertile, rich, and give all of us a great deal to do. TEF