Behind EPA’s Cancer Alley Pullback
Author
Lylla Younes - Grist
Grist
Current Issue
Issue
5
In Cancer Alley, huge chemical plants often have citizens as neighbors. Getty Images.

Pastor Philip Schmitter waited more than 20 years for the Environmental Protection Agency to do its job. In 1992, he’d filed a civil rights complaint to halt the construction of a power station that would spew toxic lead into the air of his predominantly Black community in Flint, Michigan. Decades passed without a response, so he joined four other groups around the country in a lawsuit to compel the agency to address their concerns.

The case hinged on the EPA’s duty to enforce Title VI, a provision of the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964. Title VI allows federal agencies to take action against state policies that discriminate by disproportionately harming groups protected by the act—the discriminatory policy being, in this case, Michigan’s permitting of a plant that would pollute Black neighborhoods. After EPA lost the suit in 2020, agency officials finally began timely investigations of civil rights complaints and made some of EPA’s first-ever findings of discrimination.

That progress, however, could be short-lived.

This summer, EPA abruptly terminated three of its highest-profile open civil rights complaints. The move deals a major blow not only to the majority-Black communities that filed them but also to EPA’s own authority to enforce Title VI in places with some of the nation’s worst air quality. The cases originated in the region widely known as Cancer Alley, an 85-mile industrial corridor in southeast Louisiana, and were voluntarily closed after the state’s Republican attorney general sued the federal government for alleged abuses of power during the complaint negotiations.

Grist obtained copies of two draft agreements from the now-defunct negotiations, which reveal efforts by EPA officials to institute profound changes to Louisiana’s permitting process, which has historically concentrated chemical plants near Black communities. One of the most substantial terms of the resolution would have required state regulators to assess whether a community is already exposed to disproportionately high levels of pollution before permitting new plants there. With the cases closed, the prospect of those changes has all but vanished.

“This is basically the EPA not using the full power of its environmental laws,” said Adam Kron, a senior attorney at Earthjustice who worked on the case. He described Title VI as one of the clearest ways to advance environmental justice, a goal that the Biden EPA has repeatedly called a priority. “It’s disappointing to see EPA acquiesce to what seems like a lawsuit that really doesn’t have much grounding to it.”

The Title VI statute states that no person should, on the basis of race, color, or national origin, be subject to discrimination under any program that receives federal funding. The provision is wide-reaching, covering hundreds of thousands of programs across the country and governing decisions as diverse as where a road can go or who can get treatment at a hospital. But in the environmental space, it’s been largely underutilized, with EPA routinely failing to respond to dozens of cases within the 180-day period required by the law.

The 2020 federal court ruling on Schmitter’s case gave communities in Louisiana’s St. James and St. John the Baptist parishes hope that Title VI could finally help limit pollution in their backyards. Together, their complaints alleged a number of negligent actions by state regulators, including a failure to curb cancer-causing emissions that violate federal safety standards, and to consider pre-existing pollution when permitting new industrial plants. A formal resolution of their cases would have likely addressed these concerns.

The draft agreements that Grist obtained include sweeping measures to change the way the state of Louisiana approves new industrial facilities, like folding community involvement into critical moments of the decisionmaking process and requiring officials to prove, both before and after plants begin operating, that their emissions will not disproportionately harm people of color. In Louisiana, majority-Black communities are exposed to at least seven times the emissions, on average, as predominantly White communities in industrial areas.

“We were hoping to get systemic change,” said Kimberly Terrell, a research scientist at the Tulane Environmental Law Clinic, who worked on the complaints. “For decades, people have been fighting against individual polluters and individual facilities, but when the decisionmaking process itself is flawed, you need something that seeks to improve it.” Louisiana officials did not respond to a request for comment.

Despite progress with the agreements, testimony in Louisiana’s legal filings suggests that, at some point during the negotiation process, things between state and federal officials began to sour. Then, in late May, the state’s attorney general, Jeff Landry, sued EPA.

The case hinged on EPA’s ability to pursue actions based on “disparate impacts,” or the idea that a policy or agency decision can disproportionately harm a specific group of people, regardless of whether or not that harm is intentional. These standards have always been unpopular with some state officials who view them as evidence of federal agencies meddling in matters beyond their authority. The Supreme Court’s conservative majority is sympathetic to these concerns, ruling in numerous landmark cases over the past few years to vastly restrict the powers of federal regulators.

But multiple lawyers whom Grist interviewed argued that Louisiana’s legal arguments would have ultimately been unlikely to undermine Title VI, raising the question of why EPA appears to have preemptively conceded on the matter. “It was unripe—there was no action by the EPA that Louisiana could challenge,” said Kron. “So it seems like a strange lawsuit for [the federal government] to take as a serious enough threat to just undo this whole process that’s been going on for over a year.”

Environmental advocates and residents in Louisiana also decried the decision to close the complaints.

“I often feel like our communities are left to fight on our own,” said Joy Banner, an activist and long-time resident of the region. “It’s disappointing when we have organizations at the federal level who aren’t willing to step in to fight along with us for our basic human right to survive.”

EPA spokesperson Khanya Brann told Grist that the agency remains “fully committed” to improving the environmental conditions in the communities that filed the complaints.

“Community participation has been critical to identifying both problems and solutions, and we look forward to our continued partnership with the residents in both parishes as we continue our joint efforts to improve public health and the environment,” she said.

The Environmental Protection Agency wrote in its letters announcing the closure of the complaints that it would address residents’ concerns through other means, like its pending litigation against one of the region’s most infamous chemical plants and its proposed rules for tightening standards for certain types of facilities operating in the region. But residents told Grist that those measures do not cover the totality of their concerns, and that a major benefit of the Title VI process is its speedy timeline: While court cases can drag on and emissions standards can take years to implement, a resolution of the complaints may have granted communities much faster relief from toxic emissions.

Claire Glenn, a criminal defense attorney with a background in civil rights law, compared EPA’s use of Title VI to other federal agencies’ more robust implementation of the law. The Department of Transportation, for example, requires regulators to consider whether a project will disproportionately impact a group of people before it’s ever constructed. However, she added, deciding where a transit line goes is often less controversial than approving a multi-billion dollar company’s new industrial complex. “I think the reason EPA’s Title VI program is so hamstrung is because it is so directly butting up against corporate interests,” she said.

Advocates told Grist that they are exploring other options to advance residents’ concerns, and called EPA’s actions this week a setback but not a roadblock. Residents said that they are determined not to give up.

“We come from a long line of people who fought,” said Banner. “This is just one little hill that we have to overcome—but ultimately I see us heading to the mountain, and victory is the mountain.”

This story was originally published by Grist.

TESTIMONY The agency was on the cusp of cleaning up Cancer Alley. Then it backed down. Documents obtained by the online publication Grist reveal the sweeping changes that EPA was negotiating before giving in to GOP pressure.

ECOS to Prioritize Infrastructure, Environmental Justice, and PFAS
Author
Linda K. Breggin - Environmental Law Institute
Environmental Law Institute
Current Issue
Issue
6
Linda Breggin

Ben Grumbles, the executive director of the Environmental Council of the States, is taking the helm in a period marked by entrenched challenges but also fresh opportunities. Grumbles is charged with finding common ground and giving a collective voice to ECOS members—the state and territorial environmental agency leaders, who hail from states led by 28 Republican and 22 Democratic governors (prior to this fall’s elections). While the political landscape remains sharply polarized, a respite from congressional gridlock has emerged in the form of record federal funding—in both the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act of 2021 and the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022—to address climate change.

Grumbles is arguably better positioned than many environmental lawyers to convene state agency leaders, having served as the head of two state agencies and a major federal environmental program, among other positions, over the last several decades. In an interview, Grumbles explained that he was motivated to take the ECOS leadership position because he has observed “the power of a unified state voice to advance environmental protection and public health” and to “shape the national environmental dialogue.” Grumbles says it is his “personal goal” to ensure that ECOS remains a “purple and green” organization that does not become a “blue and red” balkanized group—a goal he views as particularly important given the central role states play in administering and enforcing many of the nation’s environmental laws.

For now, however, front and center for ECOS is what Grumbles refers to as a “once-in-a-generation investment not only in infrastructure but climate and equity.” He is cognizant of the tremendous “responsibility” and “increased expectations” placed on state environmental leaders for ensuring that infrastructure investments are made wisely.

In pursuing these “unprecedented opportunities,” Grumbles wants to ensure that states protect against “fraud, waste, and abuse” and deliver funds in “equitable and accelerated ways.” In addition, he says it is critical to take the long view and invest in lasting projects that “don’t fall apart in a few years,” when states need to secure sustained funding.

To achieve these goals, he observes that states will need to prioritize recruiting talented staff. He emphasizes that this will take “more than lawyers, scientists, and engineers,” but also communicators, community facilitators, and accountants, for example, who can effectively manage the funds.

A geographically diverse, bipartisan ECOS Infrastructure Workgroup is focusing on providing input to the federal government on how to make the best use of congressional funding. ECOS is also establishing “a cross-cutting Climate and Energy Workgroup focused on continued integration of energy and climate policy into core environmental programs.” Grumbles points out that many states now have dedicated staff who work on energy policy, some of whom are housed in environmental agencies.

He acknowledges that states vary in their climate mitigation goals and approaches, but he underscores that ECOS members agree that “collectively, states can find common ground” and provide “meaningful and impactful” comments to federal regulators, as well as share best practices. He singles out resilience and adaptation as a likely focus for the climate workgroup, noting the growing number of states that have hired chief resiliency officers.

Another ECOS priority is environmental justice, because “how EJ is integrated into state programs is highly important.” Grumbles notes that although some approaches, such as new Title VI requirements in Clean Water Act and Clean Air Act permits, may not have uniform support among ECOS members, environmental justice is a “growing priority” for most. An ECOS Environmental Justice and Title VI of the Civil Rights Act Workgroup is currently focusing on facilitating discussions among state and federal partners.

Grumbles also identifies per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances as an ECOS priority. The ECOS PFAS Workgroup web page explains that “the increasingly complex landscape of federal and state activities is making it harder for each state to address its citizens’ concerns about PFAS risks.” Consequently, the Workgroup is “helping states communicate and coordinate with EPA, other federal agencies, and each other about scientific and policy developments, newly identified sources and exposure pathways, and best practices for investigation, corrective action, and public engagement.” To this end, the ECOS fall meeting included a roundtable and a discussion on “New Directions in PFAS Risk Communication Amid Tightening Standards.”

Never short on enthusiasm, Grumbles says that he is “having a blast” and is committed to achieving “real progress with great urgency.” He will need that positive energy to navigate the challenges and opportunities that lie ahead for ECOS’s chief executive.

ECOS to Prioritize Infrastructure, Environmental Justice, and PFAS.

The Debate What Can Trump Do to Foster Environmental Justice?
Author
Maite Arce - Hispanic Access Foundation
Lisa Garcia - Earthjustice
Sharon Lerner - The Intercept
Vernice Miller-Travis - SKEO Solutons Inc.
Suzi Ruhl - Environmental Protection Agency
Benjamin Wilson - Beveridge & Diamond, P.C.
Hispanic Access Foundation
Earthjustice
The Intercept
SKEO Solutons Inc.
Environmental Protection Agency
Beveridge & Diamond, P.C.
Current Issue
Issue
6
The Debate What Can Trump Do to Foster Environmental Justice?

HEADNOTE ❧ We asked a panel of experts, and then the hurricanes hit, exposing the vulnerability of poor and minority populations in Texas, Florida, the Virgin Islands, and Puerto Rico. Is there a greater role for the executive branch to play to ensure environmental equity in what has been called the civil rights issue of the 21st century?

Flowback
Author
Bernard Goldstein, M.D. - University of Cologne
University of Cologne
Current Issue
Issue
33

It’s not the material injected underground to release shale gas — it’s the dangerous fluid and gases that come back to the surface. The lost opportunity to perform a thorough evaluation of the potential adverse health consequences of fracking has hurt the industry.

Convening
Brownfields Program
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  • 2005 Phoenix Awards: Housing, Health Centers and Roads to Success — Denver, CO (2005)
  • Remodeling Public Health: Bringing in the Redevelopers — Denver, CO (2005)
  • Rebuilding Community Health: A Blueprint for Environmental Justice through Brownfields Redevelopment — Jacksonville, FL (2005)
  • A Shot in the Arm: Promoting Public Health through Brownfields Redevelopment — St.